In spite of an inability to flush
out all of the extremist “vermin” out of
their holes, Western military air technology seems to be getting the best of
the Islamic State’s armament, something that no amount of religious fanaticism
or even Allah himself can alter. Islamic fanaticism had been sufficient to keep
European states off balance when military technology was still in the horse-and-sword
era. Into the 16th Century, that fanaticism to extend the reach of
Islam throughout the known world (including China) was sufficient to inspire
fear of Islamic and Ottoman Turk armies even into the 18th Century,
even though its capacities both internally and externally were in obvious
decline. While scientific, technological, industrial and social reform changed
the West in dramatic ways, the Renaissance, Reformation and Enlightenment
periods completely bypassed the Islamic world, the effects of which are still
obvious today.
The reason for this was
principally due to the belief that Islamic society was “superior” to the West,
and thus there was no need for change. This belief had internal cachet only so
long as the Ottoman’s could maintain at least the façade of military parity
with the West, but by the 19th Century, the attempts at internal
reform were hampered by the lack of cohesion, with competing factions endorsing
either “liberalism,” nationalism or anti-West Islamism. The Ottoman military was
weakened by the opposition of “traditional” elements (like the Janissaries—Christian
soldiers converted to Islam) to European-style reforms, since it diluted their privileges
and power.
The efforts at integration and
efficiency ultimately failed because of the incompetence of the sultans, and
predictably efforts at secularizing government and society had no chance of success
until under the charismatic leadership of Kemal Ataturk. The sultanate and
Caliphate was abolished, Islamic law abandoned, religious courts and schools
abolished, and the idea of the state in “perpetual” revolution in order to
maintain adaptation with change in the rest of the world kept Turkey from
stagnating due to religious reaction (unfortunately, Turkey in recent years has
drifted back toward that Islamic reaction).
The point is that only the
acceptance of Western-style secularism allowed Turkey—but not the rest of the
Islamic world—to advance to an even marginal level of modernization equal to
the West on its own accord (rather than importing the trappings of Western
modernity).
Since I’m on this historical
tangent, it is also useful to note that the reported payment of $1.6 million to
a Somali pirate commander in exchange for the release of a German-American
journalist (both the U.S. and German governments deny this) several weeks ago
is not unlike the activities of the Barbary Pirates during the 18th
and early 19th Centuries. Unlike the Somali pirates, their
activities were officially sanctioned activities by the “official” leaders in
North Africa (the “Barbary Coast”), and whose principle economic undertaking
was to raid European coastal communities as far north as Iceland in the quest
of Christian slaves, as well as the extracting of “tribute” in exchange of
refraining from capturing European shipping less often.
The initial success of the
Islamic pirates was due to partly to the fact that after the Ottoman conquest
of most of the Mediterranean coast in the 16th century—with the help of
Europeans who converted to Islam with the hope of gaining riches and booty, and who brought
with them European high seas ship-building technology—came with it the alleged
“instruction” of the Koran to believers that it was their “duty” to capture and
“enslave” non-believers. Over a period of two centuries it is estimated that
one million Christians were seized for the purpose of being sold into slavery, and the frequency of
the raids left many coastal areas of the European Mediterranean barren of
people for over a century.
While there was some occasional
effort by individual countries to force the modification of such behavior,
Europeans were too involved in general warfare amongst each other to bring its
superior military technology to bear on the Islamic threat and conduct a
serious campaign against the pirates until after the Napoleonic wars. However,
in the interim, the fledgling U.S., which generally kept out of international
conflicts, decided to build a navy in 1994 to directly address the threat posed
on its shipping by the Barbary pirates. It hadn’t help, of course, that after
declaring independence, American shipping was no longer under the protection of
the powerful British navy, whose superiority over the pirate fleet kept British
shipping from being victimized by predation.
Until the Americans had built up
its naval strength, it was forced to pay tribute to the Barbary pirates, the
payment of which at one point constituted 20 percent of U.S. government
expenditures. It wouldn’t be until Thomas Jefferson—who had opposed the
payments from the start—decided to do something about it. In 1801, with the
assistance of the King of Naples, an American squadron attacked the well
protected fortress of Tripoli with some success, but not enough to force the
pirates to talk, and the following year, Jefferson authorized American vessels
to “seize vessels belonging to the Dey of Tripoli, with the captured property
distributed to those who brought the vessels into port."
After years of tactically successful
raids and blockades of the Barbary Coast and ports—but strategically indecisive—in
1805 a force of American Marines and international mercenaries conducted an
overland operation that captured the pirate refuge of Darnah in eastern Libya—the
first time that U.S. forces had won a victory on foreign soil outside the
Western Hemisphere. The Dey of Tripoli was persuaded to sign a peace treaty
which included paying ransom for captured American sailors and at least a
temporary end of piracy.
However, in 1807 piracy on
American shipping began anew, but because of the War of 1812 with Britain, the
U.S. did not respond until 1815, when a naval force under William Bainbridge
and Stephen Decatur and several defeats later obliged the Dey of Tripoli to again
sue for peace, this time without paying tribute or a ransom. The pirates—and
the rest of Europe—were particularly impressed that this newly sprung
nation half a world away could actually
successfully engage in an international conflict, and win. But the result was
inevitable, because by then the pirates were no match for Western naval
technology. On the other hand, the U.S. government had the good sense not to maintain an occupation and ground force in North Africa; this was an operation with limited but highly attainable goals.
Today, the Somali pirates
generally operate from small hit-and-run craft, hardly a threat against modern
navies but more than capable against undefended oil tankers and merchant
shipping—let alone journalists who are kidnapped while traveling by car to an
airport. Are there any “lessons” to be learned from the past to confront such
present day threats? Perhaps only that when the objectives are limited to
forcing an aggressive opponent to stop offensive action outside its borders;
controlling internal matters—even while utilizing superior technology—seldom
ends in the results desired if there is no common culture to form a meeting of
the minds.
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