In this country, life is pretty
much taken for granted, and the outside world only rarely intrudes, such as on
9-11. Of course that is not exactly true; between the Civil War and World War
II, the U.S. military’s principle function was to serve imperialist aims,
mostly in Latin America, the Caribbean, the Philippines and various Pacific
islands. After World War II, the U.S. became a “superpower” and abandoned
completely its prior commitment to international isolationism (WWI merely a
brief road trip). International communism was the “enemy” to be defeated; why
in a world where reactionary right-wing dictators still ruled would “communist”
dictators seem so much more dangerous is baffling, save for the fact that they were backed by the other “superpower”—the Soviet Union—and thus a direct threat
to unfettered U.S. world hegemony.
The Soviet Union may be “dead,”
and communism’s last bastion is China, but Russia has decided that it still
wants to be seen as a “superpower,” and Vladimir Putin has taken control of all
the levers of power to return the country to what its people know and love
best—a totalitarian regime that makes all the decisions for them, routinely imprisons
or murders opposition leaders with little public comment, and a leader who
every so often “tinkers” with the so-called “constitution” so that it is
insured that he is “president’ for life, or at least until 2036. Putin of course has his place in the history
books to consider as well; he wants to be just as “renowned” in Russia as Ivan
the Terrible and Stalin, and to do so he must appear “strong,” with or without
a shirt on.
Given his diminutive
stature—particularly embarrassing when he is has to stand next to world leaders
a foot taller than he is—Putin must “compensate” by playing the “tough guy” on
the world stage. Although Russians are technically European in “ethnicity” and
“culture,” they have always seen themselves apart, and it isn’t a particularly
inviting tourist destination anyways, so there is hardly any interaction with
foreigners; frankly, that is true in the U.S. as well, where most Russian
immigrants live in their own enclaves (I once came upon a Yellow Pages written
entirely in Russian). What’s a Russian to do when they feel “left out”? Well,
instead of being “friends” with the neighbors, they take out their frustrations
like bullies.
Thus we have seen Russian agents
poisoning expatriates, interfering in democratic elections, hacking into
“secure” government and corporate computer systems, and spending massive
amounts of its GNP on new weapons systems. This includes a so-called nuclear “super
weapon”—the Poseidon 2M39, which stands six stories tall but is actually a
“stealth” torpedo. Putin seems very excited about his new “toy,” the purpose of
which is to penetrate U.S. shore defenses and cause biological havoc on U.S.
coastal communities by delivering a payload of nuclear waste. Russia has
notably been building up its military along its Arctic coastline; no one is
“threatening” Russia militarily, but it appears that Russia wants to deploy its
military as a threat to maintain its claim on Arctic resources, even in areas
where it has no legal claim.
Why Russia doesn’t want to be
“friends” with the West is clear enough. Putin has been imposing himself on
former Soviet “republics” and probably would have re-absorbed these new states
already if the West wasn’t always butting in on his business and applying
sanctions on oligarchs. Putin is just
your typical tin-pot dictator with delusions of grandeur, and who else can he
be friends with if not another repressive dictator, China’s Xi Jinping—who has
also done away with rules meant to reign-in abuses by one-man rule. Neither
Putin nor Xi take criticism of their oppressive moves at home and abroad very
well (you know, like Trump), so they are a match made in Hell, bosom buddies
for the time being. China has been providing Russia with technology being
denied them by the West, and the two countries have already deployed joint
military exercises. Putin claims that Russia doesn’t “need” a full-blown
military alliance with China, although it is not “off the table.”
So we have seen that trying to be
“friends” with Putin as Trump attempted to do was just another of the latter’s
many failures on the foreign policy stage. China is of course another problem,
asserting itself in the South China Sea both to claim islands for military
bases, and to use that military to assert its complete control over oil
resources in the region. But that may not be the most likely scenario where the
use of the military comes into play. In recent years, China has been loading
its shores opposite of Taiwan with ballistic missiles. China’s principle
concern is that Taiwan not declare its independence, which would threaten the
legitimacy of the Chinese regime, since Taiwan is considered by the Chinese
government as the “property” of China; on the other hand, if China invades
Taiwan, then the U.S. is obligated by treaty to supply Taiwan with arms, but
not to intervene directly militarily. The Taiwan Strait importance as a sea
lane would also likely draw Japan into the conflict if China attacks Taiwan.
But even if the U.S. intervenes
militarily, it may be costly; China has developed an anti-ship missile system
specifically designed to create havoc on the U.S. Navy. It is a dangerous
situation; even though the U.S. has no treaty obligation to use its military to
defend Taiwan, its international credibility will be in the balance if it does
nothing. There have been calls for the U.S. to reinstate its commitment to
defend Taiwan, but others simply wish for Taiwan’s political leadership to
“behave” and not antagonize the Chinese.
Another problem area is Iran,
although Israel is not being particularly “helpful” in that area. Israel always
opposed the Iran nuclear deal, rejoiced when the Trump administration vacated
the deal, and is now threatening the Biden administration if it reopens talks
with Iran, claiming its right to engage in unilateral attacks where it sees
fit. Iran certainly isn’t a country that excites much trust; it first denied
any culpability in its own anti-aircraft missiles downing a Ukrainian passenger
airliner only minutes after it left the Tehran airport in January 2020, before
finally admitting that the Iranian Revolutionary Guard had “mistook” it for an
American cruise missile. This incident occurred after the U.S. assassinated an Iranian
general in Iraq; Trump’s response to the downing of the airliner was typical
Trump: the plane must have been flying in a “rough neighborhood,” and someone “made
a mistake.” Naturally, no effort at recognizing “context.”
One wonders in this day and age why
the U.S.’ strategic interests in the Middle East must play second fiddle to
that of Israel; Israel asserts that allowing Iran any kind of nuclear capability—even
for what Iran claims is for “peaceful” purposes—is off the table for them,
although this seems to be completely unlikely without a full-scale economic
embargo, which the international community has little interest in doing.
Whether or not simply trying to minimize the damage that Iran can cause that the
2015 agreement sought to do is enough, it is clearly a mistake for the Biden
administration to be led by the nose by Israel on this issue.
The bottom line is that the Trump
administration left behind a mess on the international front, with his “friends”
taking advantage of his naiveté to make things even less solvable. And whether
to do—or not to do—only creates their own set of problems.
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