This week’s edition of the Seattle Weekly went to print before the final results of Tuesday’s
presidential election, and it elongated editorial on the election process was
rife with indignation and disordered thinking. “Clinton was the vastly more
appropriate, educated and prepared candidate, with a deep working knowledge of
Washington, D.C., and innumerable policy positions and plans to bring those
policies to fruition,” the Weekly
declared. Some people might take issue
with most of those claims, but the Weekly went on to admit that in the last
few weeks Clinton’s campaign was devoted to “playing on voters fears” and
generally adding to the “degrading” nature of the election. Despite this, Clinton’s
main “troubles” were the result of “manufactured scandals” by the Republicans and
the fact that she is a “woman.” Again, this is deliberate misrepresentation of
the facts; the late William Safire wrote in the New York Times the following about Clinton:
Americans of all political persuasions are coming to the sad
realization that (Hillary Clinton) -- a woman of undoubted talents who was a
role model for many in her generation -- is a congenital liar. Drip by drip,
like Whitewater torture, the case is being made that she is compelled to
mislead, and to ensnare her subordinates and friends in a web of deceit… Therefore,
ask not "Why didn't she just come clean at the beginning?" She had
good reasons to lie; she is in the longtime habit of lying; and she has never
been called to account for lying herself or in suborning lying in her aides and
friends.
This could have been the
conclusion that many have reached since the email server business, but this was
written in 1996, when Clinton was First Lady.
Yet the Weekly also opined that progressives rightly viewed Clinton as a
“continuation of the less appealing aspects of the Obama and Bill Clinton
administrations, her hawkish foreign policy stances and coziness with Wall
Street at odds with their ideals. Unlike Trump, Bernie Sanders was unable to
surmount the machinery of his chosen party and, with the help of super
delegates and favoritism from party leadership. Clinton prevailed.” We need a
more “robust” election system that allows for major party voters unhappy with
the chosen candidate to vote for their true preference rather than vote for an
unpopular nominee.
This might include a
parliamentary type system in which a party’s representation would be “apportioned”
by the percent of the popular vote, and somehow this would be translated into
the true preference of the population for the office of president. This could lead to the marginalization of a
candidate like Trump, who is an “outspoken brute” for the “most hateful, most
bigoted parts of the voting populace,” and these “deplorables” need an “exit
ramp” where they will be then sidelined in a fringe party. Of course, none of these
“reforms” has even the remotest chance of serious consideration in this
country.
For his part, Donald Trump in his
acceptance speech went against the grain of what his right-wing supporters on
hate talk radio believed would come to fruition under a Trump administration,
now backed by a continuing Republican domination of Congress and soon to be again
U.S. Supreme Court. Trump’s tone was surprisingly modest and “humble” as he
proclaimed that
Now it’s time for America to bind the wounds of division; have to get
together. To all Republicans and Democrats and independents across this nation,
I say it is time for us to come together as one united people. (tepid
applause).
It’s time. I pledge to every citizen of our land that I will be
president for all Americans, and this is so important to me. (more tepid
applause).
For those who have chosen not to support me in the past, of which there
were a few people. I’m reaching out to
you for your guidance and your help so that we can work together and unify our
great country.
As I’ve said from the beginning, ours was not a campaign, but rather an
incredible and great movement made up of millions of hard-working men and women
who love their country and want a better, brighter future for themselves and
for their families.
It’s a movement comprised of Americans from all races, religions,
backgrounds and beliefs who want and expect our government to serve the people,
and serve the people it will.
Working together, we will begin the urgent task of rebuilding our
nation and renewing the American dream. I’ve spent my entire life and business
looking at the untapped potential in projects and in people all over the world.
That is now what I want to do for our country.
Tremendous potential. I’ve gotten to know our country so well and
tremendous potential. It’s going to be a beautiful thing. Every single American
will have the opportunity to realize his or her fullest potential. The
forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer.
We are going to fix our inner cities and rebuild our highways, bridges,
tunnels, airports, schools, hospitals. We’re going to rebuild our
infrastructure, which will become, by the way, second to none. And we will put
millions of our people to work as we rebuild it.
This wasn’t the man described in an
article this past summer in The New
Yorker; for Trump ghost writer Tony Schwartz, “the prospect of President
Trump terrified him. It wasn’t because of Trump’s ideology—Schwartz doubted
that he had one. The problem was Trump’s personality, which he considered
pathologically impulsive and self-centered.” Yet having won the election and no
longer feeling the need to make bizarre, offensive and outrageous comments and
accusations, to beat down his opposition into submission to his will and whim, Trump
took a more conciliatory and positive tone about bringing the country
“together.” This sounds like a man who is congenitally wired to win at whatever
cost, and having done so, wants to be “magnanimous” an to return to his former “celebrity”
status as a charismatic man “admired” for his business “smarts.” He wants to be
“liked” by everyone, and he knows he needs to back off on the rhetoric that
made him a viable candidate to begin with. Having “won,” he can cast aside those
elements that were of use to him before, but now something of a hindrance to
his quest to be “popular” again to “everyone.”
The problem with this is that
we’ve heard this flowery rhetoric before, say in 2008. And words and the
actions do not necessarily match-up, if Trump’s list of potential candidates
for his cabinet are any clue. It shouldn’t be surprising that Sen. Jeff
Sessions of Alabama is one of them, since he was an early Trump supporter; this
extreme-right Republican was naturally attracted to Trump’s nativist and
xenophobic rhetoric. Everyone on Trump’s list is both male and Republicans with
no trace of “moderation” in their political and social stances, and again this
shouldn’t be surprising since these supporters were naturally attracted to
Trump’s “message.”
It is thus difficult to believe
that Trump’s “inclusive” message in his acceptance speech is anything but of a
man who may or may not be in over his head and needs “everyone’s” help so he
doesn’t look like an incompetent buffoon, likely his greatest fear. Trump’s
most vociferous supporters would also be disappointed to learn that Trump’s
made a fool of them by using them and then discarding them for being a
hindrance to his desire to be “popular.” Trump has to be one thing or the
other. If he is the type whose self-image is defined by how people view him, he
may be more “progressive” than people give him credit for; after all, Richard
Nixon in his first term was remarkably “progressive” on social and
environmental policy than what people give him credit for.
What does Trump’s first 100 days
have in store for us? What does it mean that it is “so important” to him that
he represent all Americans. It’s not
like that everyone has a “choice” in the matter, since he will be the president
whether they like it or not. Where will he get the money to “rebuild America”
which will put millions back to work? Obama couldn’t do much even with
Democratic majorities; Trump can expect to do much less with his Republican
majorities. Trump would need considerable Democratic support for his project to
“Make America great again,” since for Republicans this only translates into
making America “white” again. What Trump outlined in his speech may be how he
hopes the country as a whole views him, but “rewarding” his early fringe-right
supporters rather than sidelining them suggests that the policy novice Trump
may well be subject to their whims.
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